The Survival Of Handloom Industy

The Survival Of Handloom Industy A device which is used to weave cloth is called loom. A part from being important source of livelihood, handlooms has remained saviors of the various traditional inherited skills of weavers over generations. The level of artistic ability and sophistication achieved in handloom fabrics are unparallel and only one of its kind. The handloom can meet up all needs from exquisite fabrics to everyday use. Spinning and weaving were the national industries of India down to the commencement of the nineteenth century. The spinning-wheel and the handloom were universally in use; and it is scarcely an exaggeration to state the nearly half the adult female population of India eked out the incomes of their husbands and their fathers by the profits of their own labour. It was an industry peculiarly suited to Indian village life. Each woman brought her cotton from village market, and sold her yarn to the village weaver who supplied merchants and traders with cotton. Vast quantities of piece goods, thus manufactured, were exported by the Arabs, the Dutch, and the Portuguese; and the European nations competed with each other for this lucrative trade with India. This paper talks about the survival of handloom industry in India, during 19th and early 20th century, by examining the multilayered structural shifts in Indias handloom industry initiated by Raj. Historians of Indian industrialization measured that the rich artisan tradition in the region had suffered a catastrophic distress in the nineteenth century, after imported European manufacturer began to flood Indian market. Taken as a whole in the time period covered in the paper, handicraft producing small firms and industries showed much turmoil and increasing isolation. While many industries lost the market, some of them managed to settle in by reconditioning old silks to apply new goods. The first section talks about slowdown in handloom industries due to policy followed by British government in Britain for promotion of her domestic industries and in India to meet the requirements of the manufacturers of Lancashire. The second section talks about transport revolution which lowered the prices of machine textile and helped in market penetration. The third section talks about survival of exquisite fabrics and high value added products. This paper also talks about the supply side harms due to the disbanding of Mughal supremacy in 18th century. The later section talks about the experience of famine and Swadeshi moment which forced the British authorities in India to resuscitating handloom industries. Policy followed by British government British, who initially entered in India as traders, established East India Company in 1600 AD and tried to acquire monopoly in trade of India. In 1765, East India Company got Diwani (right to collect tax revenue) of Bengal. Having right to collect revenue in Bengal, Company stopped importing of gold and silver. Gold and silver compensated for goods imported by Britain. The roused demand for cotton textile was curtailed by harsh protectionist measures during period 1700-1846. 125 years long commercial and unfair policy followed by British government is one of the grounds for reversal of pattern of trade in cotton textile between Britain and India in the early 19th century. First attempt was initiated in 1700 to ban Indian printed and painted clothes. This continued till 1846 to do all achievable to retain bullion with them. High tariffs to quantitative restrictions were levied on Indian textile. Only under such a ruthless commercial policy it was possible for them to reverse the pattern of trade by coping manufacture of the textiles. As textile market is segmented, they had to compel tariffs even after ban imposed in 1700 and 1721. Additional ad valorem duty was also imposed to avoid Indian export to Britain. The tariffs ranged between 27 and 71 per cent in 1813 and were further increased to 37-67% in 1824 and were completely abolished only in 1846. With this prejudice, Britain was not only able to take over the export market of India but also expanded to in domestic market of India. Tariff rates for import of muslins, calicoes other cotton clothes manufacturers in Britain  [1]   Year Tariffs (in %) 1813 27-71 1824 37-75 1830 30-10 1846 Abolished These procedures supported and atmosphere where innovation of textile machinery could take place. The machine made fabrics out-competed handloom fabrics of India. Meanwhile the Indian legislature passed various acts between 1833 and 1853 to regulate Trade and Navigation and to fix the Tariffs. The duties levied on some principal articles imported into India in 1852 are: Articles Imported Duty Cotton and silk piece goods, British 5% Cotton and silk piece goods, Foreign 10% Cotton thread, twist and yarns, British 3% Cotton thread, twist and yarns, Foreign 7% (Source: The Economic History of India Vol. 2, R C Dutt) In 1859 duties on all articles of luxury were raised to 20 per cent; duties on other articles, including cotton piece good, were raised to 10 per cent and those on cotton twist and yarns to 5 per cent, on account of the heavy financial pressure after the mutiny. The 20 per cent duty on luxuries was reduced to 10 per cent, and the 5 per cent duty on cotton twist and yarns was raised to 10 per cent by Mr. James Wilson the first Finance Minister of India, in 1860 so that the import tariff consisted a uniform rate of 10 per cent. [Dutt: 1956] This somehow protected the domestic market of handloom industries. The tariff on cotton twist and yarn was reduced to 5 per cent in 1861 which was further reduced to 3.5 per cent in later part of 1861. In 1874, a mandate came from England that old genuine proceeds, derived from a moderate import duty, should be forgone to meet the requirements of the manufacturers of Lancashire. When every civilized government on earth is endeavoring to help home manufactures, the Indian government had cruelly repressed the handloom industry. Rapid development of the cotton textile industry in Britain bust indigenous industry in India. No state assistance was rendered in response of the devastation of indigenous handloom in India. It is important to note that indigenous traditional handloom industry constituted enormous part of industrial sector in India. Jawaharlal Nehru  [2]  blamed squarely in colonial economic policy, which almost entirely eschew tariff protection and did zero to help nurture Indian industry. 19th century nationalist Dadabhai Naoroji, D D Kosambi and R C Dutt have made similar arguments in their work. The newly independent Latin American, the United States, Australia, Canada and New Zealand raised their tariffs to enormous height on imported manufacturers which made the matter worse [Williamson : 2005]. Transport Revolution From about 1810 to 1860, productivity advance resulting from the adoption of the factory system drove down the relative price of textiles world-wide, a trend that was magnified as a world transport revolution lowered the price of European textile imports even further everywhere in the periphery. By the 1830s India transformed into exporter of raw cotton, opium, indigo, etc like raw materials. There was a gigantic fall in her share in world manufacture production. The share in 1750 was 24.5% which declined to 6.9% in 1830. American civil war (1861-1865) led cotton prices to rouse high. It also led Indian farmers to turn towards cultivation of raw cotton. New high tariffs in old open export bazaar, European factory based productive intensification and unable to shield own markets with tariffs, the Indian handloom industry became less profitable. As if this were not enough, another powerful global event-transport revolution- induced negative price shock [Shah Mohammad and Williamson: 2004] Railway rates created incentives not only for the geographical reorganization of Indias economic activity but also for the types of production on which it could specialize. That industry was put at a comparative disadvantage was soon recognized. Nationalists complained bitterly about the impact of the structure of rates on infant industries, particularly those not located at the ports. It was not only the structure of rates but their high level that hindered the development of Indian industry. High transport charges increased costs and made competition with foreign industry more difficult. Survival of handloom producing high value added products The power driven looms was on an average four to six times faster than the hand-driven loom. Why, in the presence of such a wide productivity gap, did the handloom survive at all? Technological improvements and organizational changes led cost to decline. Unless traditional industry tailored its manufacturing process to the new know-how at least partially to internalize these cost returns, it could not prolong as a viable system. Such adjustment itself wasnt an adequate form to guarantee the survival of cottage industry against competition from mass manufactured goods. The former could carry on only when the circumstances existed in the home market which put a premium on feature other than lower prices, as was strikingly visible in the case high quality, luxurious cotton fabrics and silk. For high value added products, labour incentive techniques sustained to be competitive, while they could not position up against mass consumption produce with economies of large scale production. In the case of textiles which were closely recognized with the socio-cultural ethos of particular regions of populace, pattern of continued existence was visible. But it is important to note that none of these products catered to a high income market. Roy says, Craft traditions in India were extremely diverse. They contained intermediate good (for example, cotton yarn and dyes), tools for the peasants (ploughshare or hand implements), consumer goods for the poor (coarse cloth, pottery for daily use, grain milling) and commodities for well-off consumer or the export market (decorated cloth, silk, brassware, carpets, leather goods). The industrial revolution more or less decimated the first three classes. These goods were standardized in quality and could be produced in masses with machines.  [3]  Interestingly, the surviving artisans gained from globalization by obtaining access to imported raw materials, distant markets, and useful knowledge. These adaptations, however, didnt happen everywhere, but remained concentrated in certain towns and cities. Supply Side Forces We have already looked in to enhanced British productivity, first in cottage goods and then in factory production, led to declining world textile prices, making handloom production in India increasing unviable. Declining sea freight rates and expansion of railway in India also toughened these forces and served to foster trade and specialization for both Britain and India. As a result, Britain first won Indias export market and in due course took over of its home market as well [Roy: 2002]. Terms of trade improved significantly in Indias commodity export sector compared to textile, which led the former draw workers away from textile. But we have not yet considered the local supply side forces like rising incidence of drought and political fragmentation. The disbanding of Mughal supremacy in 18th century led to aggregate supply-side harms for Indian handloom manufactures, even though producers in some area benefited from the fresh order. Profound secular corrosion in climate conditions in the century or so following the early 1700s led greatly to slump in agricultural productivity. Jeffrey G. Williamson believes handloom manufacturing could have been affected through several channels following the dissolution of Mughal hegemony. The first is a decline in overall agricultural yield through an increased rent burden, shifting of settlements due to insecurity, and warfare. Increased of the prices of grain (key non-tradable) and therefore in relative prices of non-tradable to tradable (textiles) was reflection of reduced agricultural yield. Grain being dominant consumption good for workers and grain wages being close to subsistence must have put an upward pressure on the nominal wages in handloom which was being exported [Chaudhary : 1978, pp 299-300]. Downward pressure on profit from both above and below was put by declining textile prices and rising nominal wages. As a result of increased rent burden productivity must have suffered and there is no reason to believe revenue lumber to turn down when British became rules of the successors state. Engagement in territorial disputes by rules of the successor states may also have increased the rent burden reflected by military expenses. Disturbance in Indias major trade routes and increased insurance and transportation cost was because of political fragmentation and warfare. The scarcity of bullock, medium of long distance transpiration, power resulting from warfare must have increased transpiration costs. Fragmentary evidence that insurance rates must have gone up during 18th century has also been argued by Irfan Habib (2003). So, we can say that long before Britain flooded the overseas textile bazaar with factory made products, the rise in nominal wages would have slowly eroded the long standing sources of Indian competitiveness in those markets. After 1800, Indian textile exports could not withstand the competition of English factory-produced cotton in the world market [Moosvi: 2002] The problems faced by handloom industry in survival can be explained in two main eons. The first eon which was direct result of poor climate conditions and indirect result of the fall of Mughal hegemony ran till mid 19th century. The weakening of climate conditions raised nominal wages and thus lowered Indias competitiveness with England and other textile producers of world. Further expansion of revenue farming led to increase in the rent burden, warfare increased the prices and regional trade with the sub-continent declined. Indias competitiveness in export market was hut all more by the increase in nominal wages. Also the inter-sector terms of trade moved against Indian handloom production, encouraging a shift to agricultural commodity production like raw cotton, opium, indigo etc. In the second eon, productivity advancement resulting from industrial revolution drove down the relative price of textiles world-wide. Also the transport revolution in world and expansion of railway in India lowered the prices of European textile imports everywhere. Comparative advantage factor According to K N Chaudhary comparative advantage, which has been strengthened by productivity advance on the land or by increasing openness in world economy or both, in agricultural export sector was another possibility of deindustrialization of Indian handloom industry. Increased openness and unambiguous terms of trade improvement are the causes of comparative advantages. In the latter stage this causes lack of competence, little incentive to maximize prospective output and limitation of market of handloom industry. Thus, India lost its manufacturings output share to Britain. Special Case of Central Province of India The rise of British Power, competition from British imported cloth which was because of spread of British imperialism and railway combined with supply constraints led to decline of handloom products. But this decline didnt occur simultaneously or affected all weaving castes equally. British export laced the detailed understanding of Indian tastes in matter of fashion, style and color which would enable to enter the bazaar effectively. The examination of Indian handloom goods was ordered by Secretary of State for India to see which of them could be supplied by British manufacturers and remedy absence. This official, J. Forbes Watson, had samples of all key handloom products that were in the Indian Museum in London collected into 18 large volumes. Apart from knowing fabrics worn in India, it was also crucial to know how the garments was worn, for what purpose, by which sex, why certain provision of ornamentation were adopted. Watson pointed out that Europe would in all probability by no means be able to make such items as handloom brocades and embroideries cheaper than India. He commented, This leads us to remark that there are certain fabrics which will probably always be best and most cheaply manufactured by hand. British manufacturers met the requisite of Indian bazaar from survey and collection of specimens. At the very time Watsons exertion became accessible, the price of cotton was brought down by end of American civil war and railway from Bombay Nagpur was completed (February 1867). These events were followed by flood of British imports. End of nineteenth century Two decades years later, it is understandable that the handloom industry was facing rigorous competition. The volume of imports was piercingly up and volume of export of country cloth even more stridently down. What is more important to note that average prices of textile were down in both classes, but they were more so for the native products. As if this were not enough, the indigenous products also started to face some competition from Indian machine made clothes by the end of nineteenth century [four power looms were operating in Central Provinces, two of them in Nagpur, one in Hinganghat and one in Jubbulpore]. Then with the arrival of twentieth century, imitation silk cloth in large quantities from Japan entered the Indian bazaar. The imitation silk cloth was cheaper than both Manchester and Indian cloth. Since better off classes still bought fine clothes with silk borders, the section of industry that specialized in producing these clothes survived, but with diminishing production. Because of cheapness and appearance of English cloth, it supplanted the products of country handloom. The handlooms were again hit hard in famine of 1899. Edgar Thurston  [4]  stated that there was a favorable public response to these cheap imitations of Indian material. He also comments that good taste was the least significant amongst the factors in determining demand. The following two tables talks about average consumption of available yarn by sector from 1906-07 to 1908-9 and from 1916-17 to 1918-19 and sources of cloth supply from 1906-7 to 1908-9 and from 1916-17 to 1918-19. This gives us concrete evidence on fall of handloom industry. Annual average consumption of available yarn by sector 1906-7 to 1908-9 and 1916-17 to 1918-19 (Million lbs.)  [5]   1906/7-1908/9 1916/17-1918/19 Total available yarn 689 (100%) 685 (100%) Consumed by Cotton Mills 162 (23.5%) 338 (49.4%) Handlooms 282 (40.9%) 194 (28.3%) Export 245 (35.6%) 153 (22.3%) Sources of cloth supply 1906-7 to 1908-9 and 1916-17 to 1918-19 (Annual averages in million yards)  [6]   1906/7-1908/9 1916/17-1918/19 (%) (%) Total available cloth 3839 (100) 3418 (100) Produced by: Indian mill 667 (17.1) 1301 (38.0) Imports 2154 (55.3) 1397 (40.9) Handlooms 1072 (27.6) 720 (21.1) Per capita availability 12.6 yards 9.8 yards Home handloom output suffered significantly, between the two periods it felled by one-third. This is clear from second table. Handloom sector never fully recovered from this blow. Dharma Kumar in The Cambridge Economic History of India says, We dont know how the curtailment of Indian yarns sales affected foreign handlooms, but second table makes it clear that domestic handloom output suffered substantially, falling by one-third between the two periods. This was a blow from which the handicraft sector never fully recovered. Finally, when the English imports fell off. That finer market was partly taken over by Japanese mills using American cotton. Some good news at the end The incident of famine forced the government to discard its dogmatic loyalty to laissez-faire doctrines of non-intervention policy in the economy and caused the British establishment in India to breathe new life into cottage industries. At the beginning of the twentieth century two factors caused the British authorities in India to consider resuscitating cottage industries such as handloom weaving. One was the experience of the famines which forced the government to abandon its dogmatic adherence to laissez-faire doctrines of non-intervention in the economy. Encouragement was also provided by the Swadeshi (home-produced) movement launched by Indian nationalist in 1905. Low  [7]  wrote, following the blows wreaked by the cycle famines, handloom industry had undergone something of revival. In the first decade of twentieth century, harvest was generally good. Prices for agricultural produce were in general high and because of famine and plague mortality, there was demand for labour, which was in short supply. Increased spending on public works and railways, sudden extension of the mining industry were undertaken to make good. For all these grounds wages rose, trade flourished, and there was a boost in demand for better sort of handloom goods. 3.5 per cent duty on imported and Indian mill manufactured cloth was imposed in February 1896. Because of this duty, some price advantage was received by handloom industry. Bread and Butter The machine made fabrics were cheaper then hand looms fabrics but still complete washout was not possible. The rationale for this was that a number of the fragment could by no means be produced. Other people have also argued that sustained attachment to the coarse cloth by poor and unskilled labors wage was much below that of the weavers and fulltime weaver did the weaving job as part time jobs. Land in England was owned by great landlord; the agriculturists were mere farmers and laborers. Where as in India land belonged principally to small cultivators who have their own hereditary rights in their holding. The landlord, were he existed, cannot get rid of those cultivators so long as they paid their rents. Similarly, the various industries in Indian villages were carried on by humble artisans in their own villages and huts. The idea large factories, owned by capitalist and worked by paid hand, were foreign to the Indian mind. An individual man- in dignity and aptitude, in prudence and sovereignty- is at his best when he labour in his own field or his own loom, rather than when he is paid laborer under big landlord or wage earner in huge factory. And every Indian believes that landlordism cannot replace the small cultivation and that home industries will survive the assault of capitalism (which is true even today in twenty first century). Conclusion R C Dutt articulated nearly 100 years ago that Britain had transformed India from an exporter of manufactured goods to an importer of cloth, using political power to keep down a competitor with whom the British manufactured could not have completed on normal terms. For the craft production in India, the late 19th century can be designated as a period of structural crisis when industrial organization were in direct confrontation, and the survival of handicrafts depended on their ability to compete in terms of cost and price advantages, superiority of the quality or the artistic merits of handicraft products. The crisis point reached only in the last quarter of the 19th century when the discovery of chemical dyes resulted in significant economies of scale, and mass-produced cloth began to compete with indigenous materials in Indian markets. Later on, when power-looms had entirely supplanted hand-looms in Europe, Indian capitalist began to start cotton mills in their own country. If the pre-industrial (pre-colonial) production system failed to evolve into a modern industrial structure due to colonial policies, it then had the inherent potential to so evolve, and to compete with the technologies and large scale economies of production during transitional stage, before transforming into a modern, capitalist system.

The Interview Paper -- Sociology

The Interview Paper Description of Stoneman Stoneman is ninetieth-years-old. He is a 5 feet 8 inch Chinese boy. He has a big nose but small eyes with glasses. By looking at his mouth, you will think that he is a talkative boy because of his big mouth, but not. He is a passive person. If you don’t talk to him, he never opens his big mouth because he knows his mouth stinks. Although you maybe hate stink, you will like to talk with him because he is really very kind and he can give you a good reaction and a helpful suggestion when you have any problem you can’t solve by yourself. He is a smart boy and also a fat boy. His abdomen’s length is 37 inch. He can eat 4 Big-Macs in the lunch, therefore he got 185 pound. He don’t like sport, so I think it is very difficult for him when he want to lose his weight. Interview with Stoneman Q: It is very nice to have an interview with you. You came from Hong Kong. How long have you been living in the United States? A: My family came here in 1990 and I came here in 1994. Q: Why did you come here later 4 years than your family? Did you live alone in Hong Kong when your family was here? A: No, I lived with my uncle. The reason why I stayed in Hong Kong was I wanted to study in the Hong Kong University. I had to finish the high school and pass the Hong Kong Certification of Education Examination to get in the Hong Kong University. So I stayed in Hong Kong and studied. Q: Did you pass the exam? A:Yes, I pas...

Chipotle Mexican Grill Essay

I. Key Problem What Steven Ells began with a small taqueria in Denver, Colorado in 1993, one may not have foreseen this venture to become the fastest growing restaurant chain in the last decade. By 2006, Ells’ idea made its initial public offering with 535 restaurants throughout the world. Things were going tremendously well for CMG until late afternoon on October 18, 2012 when Ells finished receiving the company’s third quarter results. While data indicated an overall satisfactory outcome, it was the competition from Yum Brands’ Taco Bell and their recent launch of the Cantina Bell menu that would result in what seemed to be the onset of a major problem. Taco Bell had now become a major competitor to Chipotle since the launch of their new Cantina Bell menu allowing them to enter into the fast-casual segment in offering similar ingredients and items as Chipotle had. At the same time CMG paid a significant amount more for their products forcing them to charge a higher price on their menu items. Taco Bell, however, now offered similar items for half the price. The bottom line: competition was the root of this problem. The fact that Chipotle menu prices were higher as compared to that of Taco Bell’s new menu would lead to consumers or normally loyal customers to give the Cantina Bell menu a try. After the launch of the Cantina Bell menu in the summer of 2012, CMG stock significantly declined just after third quarter results were announced. To add insult to injury, Jeff Einhorn, a hedge fund leader, presented at the Value Investors Conference in New York City proclaiming that CMG was an attractive stock for short-sellers because of the considerable competition from Taco Bell. He further stated, â€Å"23% of Chipotle customers had already tried Taco Bell’s Cantina Bell menu†¦and two-thirds of those customers indicated they would return. What’s more, the customers most likely to return to Taco Bell were also those most likely to eat at Chipotle, a dynamic that indicates to me that Chipotle is most at risk of losing its frequent customers.† This message led to CMG’s stock falling by more than 4% within hours of the conclusion of the presentation. The announcement of projected increases in food costs on the part of CMG also contributed to the competition between them and Taco Bell. While Chipotle stood by its belief that it is â€Å"Food with Integrity† because of better ingredients, the Cantina Bell menu produced something similar while lowering the cost a customer would have to pay for a meal, therefore, causing further competition between the two. II. Relevant Theory By looking at the items offered on the Cantina Bell menu versus those on Chipotle’s menu, I determined that they both have a competitive advantage. Chipotle is a premium product offered at a higher price where it reaches a broader market share that is willing to pay more money. On the other hand, Taco Bell’s main strategic course is cost leadership which enables them to reach a broader market share with a lower price for the desired item. As shown on Example 1 the Competitive Advantage and Economic Value Created are somewhat different between the two companies. Since Chipotle offers a better quality of ingredients, consumers are willing to pay a higher price. As a result, creating a higher Value (V) for a burrito is at the same time creating a greater economic value (Value-Cost.) Meanwhile the economic value created by Taco Bell is smaller since the value of their product is less and consumer’s maximum willingness to pay will be lower. Example 1 Since Yum Brands launching of the new Cantina Bell menu, this new organic ingredient-driven list of selections has been a pretty obvious attempt to compete with fast casual giant Chipotle. This is what has become the major concern for Chipotle where competition is becoming fierce and for practically half the price the Cantina Bell menu is a definite value. However, you do get what you pay for and the overall quality and taste of Chipotle still has a slightly greater edge over Taco Bell. The value someone will be willing to pay for a Taco Bell burrito will be less than the value Chipotle has created with their better quality ingredients, hence creating a greater economic value. III. Assessment of Alternatives How could Chipotle effectively approach their key problem which is Taco Bell’s new Cantina Bell menu? What seems to be the main concern for Chipotle is that Taco Bell is trying to provide a similar product for half the price. Some of the alternatives available to Chipotle to are: †¢ Buy low cost goods to reduce prices using Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs) †¢ Another option could be to offer a smaller burrito for a smaller price, or to include less amounts of meat as Taco Bell does †¢ Continue doing what they do best and differentiate themselves Should Chipotle buy low cost goods to reduce prices using Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs), it would allow them to offer menu items at a lower cost to the consumer providing greater competition between them and Taco Bell’s Cantina Bell menu. However, in doing so would contradict their philosophy of providing the best quality ingredients in their food. In doing so, it will change CMG’s strategy from being a premium product and higher price to a cost leadership strategy and at the same time reducing the value of its product. Another option could be to offer a smaller burrito for a smaller price, or to include less amounts of meat as Taco Bell does in its Cantina Bell menu. This would also allow for cost effectiveness on both the consumer and Chipotle’s side, however, it would go against CMG’s mission statement of being â€Å"Food with Integrity†, lower its value and become a cost leadership strategy as opposed to being a premium product and higher price. A third alternative is for CMG to continue to compete effectively by doing what they already are doing which is differentiation based on quality and sustainability. This approach supports its philosophical message of better food for the consumer and community as well as being environmentally conscious. This allows CMG to maintain its values and remain within their strategy segment. On the contrary, this alternative force Chipotle to increase their menu prices while reducing its consumer surplus. IV. Suggested Course of Action After carefully analyzing the different alternatives, the best course of action is to continue to compete effectively on differentiation based on quality and sustainability given the mounting competitive and sourcing challenges. Even thought Taco Bell’s new menu seems like a significant threat they are far from creating the same value and reputation Chipotle has created since it opened its first restaurant in 1993. Not only does Chipotle provide the freshest and best ingredients with a bold flavor, they are setting themselves apart from any other restaurant chain and main competitor since they continuously are working toward better practices. They continue to push to sustainable sourcing like getting their meat form non Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs) while at the same time contributing to the promotion of good animal health and fighting against animal abuse. In addition, CMG buys products from local farms, builds restaurants to be eco friendly and LEED certified (leadership in Energy and Environmental Design) while trying to keep the cost and price of other items down. As their value statement proclaims, â€Å"Food with Integrity† is a mission of serving good quality food with inputs sourced using sustainable farming practices. Even thought new threats like Taco Bell’s Cantina Bell menu are presenting a challenge there will always be competition. CMG upholds strong beliefs to do what is best for the environment and for its communities in order to provide the best products to its consumers. This is precisely why they have grown so fast from the opening of their first taqueria, to the capital infusion from McDonald’s, to its initial Public offering (IPO.) They have been the fastest growing chain in the last decade and just like any fast growing business, regardless of their success, they will reach a slower growth as they approach maturity. There will still be opportunity for expansion. Chipotle is certainly heading toward a different direction than their competitors making them stand out and become a lot harder to imitate. This alternative is truly the only logical option for Chipotle as it continues to enforce its philosophy of providing â€Å"Food with Integrity.† There will always be competition between companies and products, however, if Chipotle chooses another route for combating this rivalry with Taco Bell, it would not allow itself to differentiate from them. V. Key Takeaways Before reading this case, I knew nothing about Chipotle but after reading it I am quite impressed by the approach CMG has taken choosing to go a different route most companies are afraid of doing because of higher cost prices. I was equally impressed they choose organic products, to buy from local farms, being against massive animal feeding as well as animal cruelty and that they are eco friendly and are looking to make all their restaurants like this. Of course, I should also mention that one knows one will be eating the best ingredients and most fresh available foods. I am confident as the values of this company are brought to the attention of more of the public, Chipotle will reach a bigger market share as the public demand will rise. I would also predict other companies and restaurants will follow similar suit. As mentioned earlier, there will always be competition in business, but a firm must find their differentiation advantage. As individuals become more educated and understand the factor facing the environment people will be willing to make a change and help make a difference.

The Civil Rights Movement Of The 1920 S Essay - 1568 Words

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First, it is important to understand how gender roles first differentiated amongst males and females in prehistoricRead MoreThis essay, 1920s vs 1960s, writen in AABB format, deals with the comparison of; general statistics, fashion styles of both men women, music, controversial issues.1502 Words   |  7 Pages1920s vs. 1960s Over the past century, people living in the United States have experienced many changes. As the times change, so do the people. In the 1920s, people acted differently then compared to the people in the 1960s. Yet, they both have one thing in common; they shaped our history. In the 1920s, about 106,521,537 people inhabited the United States. It was a rough period in our history, with about 2,132,000 people unemployed and murder, swindles, and racketeering as the most popularRead MoreSimilarities And Differences Between The 1920s And 1950s908 Words   |  4 PagesThe 1920’s were a very important era in America for better or worse. There were many issues in relation to race and how people of different ethnic groups were treated. African American had a cultural rejuvenation that being the Harlem Renaissance. The advent of the Ford Model T change the way how people traveled. Many may say an era like the 1950’s were highly comparable. Race related issues were on a decline as America as whole sought to be more accepting and the oppressed started to speak out onRead MoreThe Fight For Women s Suffrage Movement1328 Words   |  6 PagesThe Fight For Women’s Suffrage The Women’s Suffrage Movement of the 1920’s worked to grant women the right to vote nationally, thereby allowing women more political equality. Due to many industrial and social changes during the early 19th century, many women were involved in social advocacy efforts, which eventually led them to advocate for their own right to vote and take part in government agencies. Women have been an integral part of society, working to help those in need, which then fueled aRead MoreThe On The Battlefield Of Equality1625 Words   |  7 PagesAmerica today, including automobiles, literature, music, and patriotism. Women in the 1920s overcame the battle of obtaining suffrage and the advancement of birth control; these challenges led to an embracing of new ideas in fashion, sexuality, and equality. To begin, suffrage for women in America began in the mid 1800s and ended in 1920, when women in America were finally granted with this well-deserved right to vote. In America, suffrage began in the western state of Wyoming in 1869, where womenRead MoreAfrican American Experience896 Words   |  4 Pagesand organizations that they could turn to. Along with these organizations they had leaders that tried to help the race. Many African Americans became successful in the late 1920’s, and still to this day there are many African Americans that are successful. During the time period around the late 1870’s through the 1920’s many African Americans did not have good jobs. The majority of African Americans lived in the southern states. Many were sharecroppers who worked the land and gave the landRead MoreThe Black Renaissance And The Great Depression971 Words   |  4 Pagesand obtain equal rights, but found themselves stuck. The two World Wars drew African Americans North in search of jobs in the war industry, only to find once they arrived more discrimination and inequality. Events such as the ‘Black Renaissance’ and the Great Depression created a sense of black pride and confidence in African Americans. Together, the African Americans’ frustration towards discrimination and their new sense of solidarity would be the basis for the Civil Rights movement to come in following